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The Pike: Gabriele D'Annunzio, Poet, Seducer and Preacher of by Lucy Hughes-Hallett

By Lucy Hughes-Hallett

WINNER OF THE 2013 SAMUEL JOHNSON PRIZE FOR NON-FICTION: the tale of Gabriele D'Annunzio, poet, daredevil - and Fascist. In September 1919 Gabriele D'Annunzio, winning poet and low flesh presser, declared himself Commandante of town of Fiume in modern day Croatia. His purpose - to set up a utopia according to his fascist and inventive beliefs. It was once the dramatic top to an outrageous profession. Lucy Hughes-Hallett charts the arguable lifetime of D'Annunzio, the debauched artist who turned a countrywide hero. His evolution from idealist Romantic to radical right-wing progressive is a political parable. via his ideological trip, culminating within the failure of the Fiume endeavour, we witness the political turbulence of early 20th-century Europe and the emergence of fascism. within the Pike, Hughes-Hallett addresses the cult of nationalism and the origins of political extremism - and on the centre of the booklet stands the charismatic D'Annunzio: a determine as deplorable as he's attention-grabbing.

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Additional info for The Pike: Gabriele D'Annunzio, Poet, Seducer and Preacher of War

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Some of the Quito chiefdoms were not even the ‘multi-village’ polities on which Carneiro focuses his definition of chiefdoms. Yet the degree of ‘internal’ political centralization and the range of functions and powers of the Lords of Quito does not compare at all unfavourably with larger stratified chiefdoms found in the Andes and elsewhere. What is clear is that these polities were highly unstable and riven with internal rivalries, as, it seems, are chiefdoms in general (Brumfiel 1983, Spriggs, Ch.

But most analysts who emphasize the notion of social stratification clearly have something much more cognate with the notion of ‘economic class stratification’ in mind. What types of ‘property relations’ are envisaged here? To what extent do such accounts depend on assumptions about low-level scarcity of subsistence resources which may not be empirically defensible in terms of the archaeological evidence? We might still wish to argue that unequal access to resources was mediated through unequal political or status relations between persons, so that inequality was initially rooted in political rather than economic relations, as Service has maintained in criticizing what he takes (rightly or wrongly) as the classical Marxist account of state origins (Brumfiel 1983, pp.

71). But it is ‘a threshold in a continuum’, whose gradations are to be explained in terms of the increasing demographic and territorial scale of the political units accruing to the control of victorious chiefdoms as a result of continued militarism. There are strong theoretical objections to ‘militarist’ theories of ‘original’ transitions to statehood, again enumerated by Mann (1986, pp. 54–8), though he does subscribe to a much modified version of the ecologically based circumscription hypothesis with his notion of ‘social caging’: investment in irrigation facilities (rather than basic lowlevel ‘population pressure’ on limited subsistence resources as assumed by Carneiro) provides one of the factors which make the costs of moving away from emergent relations of class domination prohibitive.

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