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Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold by Steven Levitsky

By Steven Levitsky

Aggressive authoritarian regimes - during which autocrats undergo significant multiparty elections yet have interaction in severe democratic abuse - proliferated within the post-Cold warfare period. according to an in depth examine of 35 instances in Africa, Asia, Latin the US, and post-communist Eurasia, this publication explores the destiny of aggressive authoritarian regimes among 1990 and 2008. It unearths that the place social, monetary, and technocratic ties to the West have been wide, as in jap Europe and the Americas, the exterior price of abuse led incumbents to cede strength instead of crack down, which ended in democratization. the place ties to the West have been restricted, exterior democratizing strain was once weaker and international locations infrequently democratized. In those instances, regime results hinged at the personality of kingdom and ruling occasion enterprises. the place incumbents possessed built and cohesive coercive get together buildings, they can thwart competition demanding situations, and aggressive authoritarian regimes survived; the place incumbents lacked such organizational instruments, regimes have been risky yet hardly ever democratized.

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Extra info for Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War

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The proliferation of competitive authoritarian regimes in the early 1990s was striking. In 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev became the Soviet leader, only a 105 106 107 108 109 See Bratton and van de Walle (1997: 8) and Joseph (1997). See Nelson and Eglinton (1992), Carothers (1999), Lawson (1999), and Crawford (2001). On electoralism, see Karl (1986). See also Carothers (1999), Diamond (1999: 55–6), Lawson (1999), and Ottaway (2003). Zakaria (1997: 40). See Stokke (1995b), Joseph (1997, 1999a), Carothers (2000b), and Ottaway (2003).

Alternative Conceptualizations of Hybrid Regimes: Do We Need a New Subtype? Scholars should create new regime subtypes with caution. 63 As Collier and Levitsky warned, such an “excessive proliferation of new terms and 62 See Przeworski (1986, 1991) and Alvarez et al. (1996); see also McFaul and Petrov (2004: 5–6). Przeworski famously character- 63 ized democracy as a “system in which parties lose elections” (1991: 10). Collier and Levitsky (1997). ” Rather than fall prey to the “naturalists’ temptation to proclaim the discovery, naming, and classification of new political animals,” Snyder argues, scholars should “carefully evaluate the null hypothesis that the political phenomena of interest .

Democratic) rules and actual behavior that is inherent to competitive authoritarianism, their role in such regimes may be particularly important. , single-party) authoritarian rule, the post–Cold War international environment created incentives for incumbents to employ informal mechanisms of coercion and control while maintaining the formal architecture of democracy. , press censorship or bans on opposition), they were often critical to the survival of post–Cold War autocracies. This book highlights a range of informal rules, practices, and organizations used by incumbents in competitive authoritarian regimes.

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