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A Ruined Fortress?: Neoliberal Hegemony and Transformation by Alan W. Cafruny

By Alan W. Cafruny

Arguing convincingly that mainstream thought lacks the instruments to appropriately clarify ecu integration, this hard e-book attracts upon serious political financial thought to strengthen a extra entire and constant research of the methods of integration. even supposing now not claiming that states have ceded their position as _masters of the treaties,_ the individuals advance cutting edge case reports of nationwide and transnational techniques to demonstrate the salience of trans-European company networks and the primacy of neoliberalism as crucial organizing strategies of the post-Maastricht eu venture.

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Extra info for A Ruined Fortress?: Neoliberal Hegemony and Transformation in Europe

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In sum, although supranationalism does open the black box of the national state (indeed, in this tradition the state never was a black box) by emphasizing the role of transnational private actors, there is no conception of how social forces may shape the socioeconomic content rather than only contribute to an ever more supranational form of the integration process. Seeking to go beyond both supranationalism and his own earlier formulation of intergovemmentalism, Andrew Moravcsik’s concept of “liberal intergovemmentalism” opens the black box of realism’s unitary state with the explicit aim of explaining “variation in substantive, as well as in institutional Central to this approach is indeed the role of state-society relations in the formation of national preferences.

That producers’ interests are also favored over those of workers is a point that Moravcsik does not seem particularly interested in; indeed, organized labor is mostly subsumed under the producer category. Moravcsik states that those groups who “stand to gain or lose a great deal per capita [from the integration process] tend to be the most i n f l ~ e n t i a l . ”That ~ ~ some groups (for instance, specific groups of workers) might lose a great deal but are nevertheless quite powerless when it comes to influencing national preference formation tends to be ignored here.

By this, he means the pluralist model of . ~ ~ is consistent with the political science pioneered by Almond and E a s t ~ nThis aforementioned input-output model suggested by Marks, Blank, and Hooghe, if one adds the diffuseset of special interests and the electorate that in this model constitutes the site of input in the first instance and the site of feedback of the political system. Hix demonstrates how this approach, combined with his impressive factual knowledge, can be used to shed fresh light on EU politics.

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